Apresentou "A Interferência dos Estados Unidos na Política de Drogas Brasileira" como também um documentário entitulado "Notícias de uma Guerra Particular"
Todas as referências em inglês serão traduzidas para o português, ao longo da produção do relato em andamento Como a Psicotropicus inseriu o Brasil no movimento antiproibicionista internacional. Além das duas matérias publicadas no Psicoblog sobre as marchas da maconha, Marcha 2002 e Marcha 2004, também já publicamos as referências de A Guerra às Drogas no Rio de Janeiro e de Usuários de Cocaína Injetável: Porque e Como Fazem, trabalhos apresentados em 1998.
Todas as referências em inglês serão traduzidas para o português, ao longo da produção do relato em andamento Como a Psicotropicus inseriu o Brasil no movimento antiproibicionista internacional. Além das duas matérias publicadas no Psicoblog sobre as marchas da maconha, Marcha 2002 e Marcha 2004, também já publicamos as referências de A Guerra às Drogas no Rio de Janeiro e de Usuários de Cocaína Injetável: Porque e Como Fazem, trabalhos apresentados em 1998.
Abstract:
American Interference in the Brazilian Drug Policy
Gen. Alberto Cardoso, Institutional Security Secretary of the Brazilian Republic Presidency has alerted that external aid to combating drug traffic may throw into disorder internal actions against organized crime. A representative of the Brazilian parliament involved in a drug traffic investigation had said: “The Unites States take care of themselves and leave the others on the background. In every country they aid the internal consuming of drugs increases”. Their concern about the United States behavior in Brazil are justified as the American government focus their actions on drug routes to their country leaving measures against internal, national trafficking in second place, if any. It seems clear that an independent Brazilian policy for drugs would collide against American interests. According to the article “The way to overcome drugs”, by American Gen. Barry MacCafrey, published on May, 8, 2000 on a mainstream newspaper of Rio, the US expects Brazil to follow their policy focused on law enforcement. Although stating that the fight against drugs is not a “war”, he emphasizes repression, drug policy control by the criminal justice system and heavy combat against the drug business. He criticizes the medical use of cannabis and harm reduction as part of a movement to legalize drugs and adds: “Reduce consumption must continue to be the main objective of the anti-drugs’ policies of the United States, Brazil and other nations around the world”. Brazil has to wake up to the adverse consequences of the war on drugs."
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É interessante destacar a frase final desse abstract: "O Brasil tem de despertar para as adversas consequências da guerra às drogas". Em 2000, quase 100% do povo brasileiro não tinha consciência de que estava em curso uma guerra mundial contra as drogas. Quanto aos brasileiros que sabiam naquela época que os confrontos em guetos e favelas entre os comerciantes de drogas ilícitas (especialmente os varejistas) e a polícia nada mais era que a versão tupiniquim da política de guerra às drogas capitaneada pelos EUA, estamos pesquisando, e precisamos verificar se o pesquisador da Fiocruz Francisco Inácio Bastos não se referiu à política de guerra às drogas em sua brilhante tese publicada com o título Ruína e Reconstrução.
Quanto aos vícios de linguagem para falar do tema, estes permanecem os mesmo de hoje: "traficante", por exemplo, continua significando tanto o vendedor de 50 reais de maconha quanto o que tem consigo 5 milhões em cocaína. E a infeliz palavra "droga", uma generalização alienante que significa toda e qualquer droga ilícita da lista de proibidos da ANVISA - ou nas listas classificadas das Convenções proibicionistas da ONU. Assim, enquanto as imagens do noticiário da TV mostram alguma apreensão de "droga" feita pela polícia, o repórter se refere à mercadoria confiscada como "droga", e a gente fica sem saber se era maconha, cocaína, heroína, ecstasy, LSD, pasta base, crack, barbitúricos, anfetaminas, ou outra da lista. Diz o repórter: "A droga estava escondida no fundo falso do veículo". Que droga, meu! Não existe essa droga de que vc fala. É vasto o vocabulário impreciso e equivocado sobre o assunto utilizado pelos políticos, pela mídia, pelos órgãos de segurança, em praticamente todos os setores da sociedade.
O restante do texto do abstract que não foi utilizado dizia o seguinte:
The whole article has an authoritarian tonality of “we know how to do it and you must follow”.
After praising the achievements of his policy on reducing the illegal use of drugs in the Military Forces he says “The use of drugs in the United States has decreased to almost half since the record year of 1979.”
He then uses a rhetoric which disguises a very repressive perspective and says: “A whole lot of the work that has to be done against drug dependency is going to happen inside the justice criminal system.” He continues to describing drug courts of justice that they are trying to implement in Brazil, and portraits a terrible scenery with repression, crowded prisons, increasingly health care costs and violent crime.
The article ends preaching against the medical use of cannabis and harm reduction, which he identifies as parts of a movement for drug legalization. He also says: “Reduce consuming has to continue being the main objective of the anti-drugs policies of the United States, Brazil and other nations around the world”.
Leia o artigo inteiro:
Jornal do Brasil, May, 8, 2000
The way to overcome drugs
During the Vietnam War the peril of illegal drugs had called my attention for the first time. It was a time when the use of drugs in the American troops had raised alarmingly. Marijuana and heroine were largely accessible in Southeast Asia and the use of those drugs in combat setting proved to be fatal or disabling for many soldiers. Meanwhile in the United States narcotics and alcohol abuse tormented the military and society in general. In the 70s, drug consumption in the military service was estimated as 30% to 50%.
When the American Army won the Persian Gulf War, the result of drug testing in military personnel was less than 1%. We had practically eliminated the problem. And that was accomplished by education, anti-drug testing, addiction treatment, leadership and judicious drug traffic combat.
That is why I am optimist in relation to reducing the use of illegal drugs in society as a whole. In contrast to world hunger, racism and other persistent social crisis, the consumption of illegal drugs may be, with struggle and determination, reverted in a relatively short period. Actually, the consumption in the United States has diminished to almost half since the record year of 1979.
Without control the cost of drugs to the United States could be half million deaths and one trillion dollars in the next 10 years. Criminal organizations which deal drugs threaten the democratic government, the legal state, economic stability, and human rights in many nations.
The international community growing maturity in understanding the nature of this problem is helping to remove the myth that the US market is the only responsible for the demand which supports international drug traffic. Actually, the United States represent only a small part of world consumers. Despite the relatively high price American citizens are willing to pay for illegal drugs, they are responsible for no more than 10% to 15% of the more than US$ 400 billions spent in narcotics in the whole world.
From my point of view, the fight against drugs is not a "war". Battalion expressions wrongly used in this context make people expect a conclusive victory. Wars come to an end but drug education - as any learning process - is an unceasing process. To reduce the demand for drugs, prevention has to be constant. Addicted individuals must be helped, not defeated. They must be considered responsible for their actions and also be able to receive treatment for helping change such destructive behavior.
Cancer - more than war - is the best metaphor for the world drug problem. The key to finding solutions for both is prevention plus treatment and research. To reduce drug consumption statistics it is necessary a sustained effort to change individual and social attitudes. It also requires basic changes in the way our health and justice systems deal with chronic addicts. Imprisonment is not the only solution. But we also can’t make unrealistic promises to solve the problem in a few years or release the world definitely from drugs. We must be serious and organize ourselves with long term prevention and treatment programs that work.
The governmental response is only a small part of the international effort to control drugs. In its essence, such problem is a group of local epidemics that can be better controlled at community level by parents, social assistants, heath care professionals, and teachers coalition. Our children are mainly influenced by those they love and admire, more than by any music or sports star, or any other distant figure. The teachings and attention of a dedicated adult may change the life of a child.
A great part of the work that has to be done against drug addiction is going to happen inside the criminal justice system. Drug courts may offer treatment instead of prison for non violent offenders. But the treatment against addiction has to be combined with legal repression so to really prevent the 5 millions American heavy users from ruining their lives, with great cost for our country in terms of crowded prisons and justice courts, increasingly health care costs, and violent crime. Rigorous battle against drug traffic combined with humanitarian and intelligent policy are the answer to the huge public security problem represented by drug addiction.
A seminar on the drug courts experience, that will take place in Rio de Janeiro with the presence of the president of the District Judge Association of the United States, will show the success of this movement in the USA. More than 700 of such courts are now operating or being planned. They were just 12 back in 1994. More than 175 thousand people have gone past these drug courts since their creation. About 70% have been rehabilitated.
In the United States and around the world advocates of the so called market solution for the abuse of illegal substances claim that legalization would eliminate profit and reduce violence. This drug legalization campaign is often indirectly conducted by discussion of such matters as marijuana for “medicinal purposes” and “harm reduction”. Such proposals should be considered an offense for our sense of integrity. Whenever substances are legalized and available, abuse jumps in. The consumption reduction has to continue being the main objective of the anti-drug policies of the United States, Brazil and other nations around the world.
I have seen much destruction and suffering during my soldier carrier. Nevertheless, nothing surpasses the chaos produced by young people who are drawn into the turmoil of chronic addiction.
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Notícias de uma Guerra Particular
Quando assisti pela primeira vez esse documentário de João Moreira Salles percebi que o documentarista tinha feito sem saber um dos melhores documentos existentes sobre a guerra às drogas. O conceito é o de uma guerra particular entre policiais e criminosos pelo controle das drogas ilícitas, os depoimentos são impressionantes.
Depois de ter apresentado na edição anterior da conferência bianual da HRC A Guerra às Drogas no Rio de Janeiro, em 1998, exibir trechos deste documentário para depois discutir com a plateia as semelhanças e diferenças dessa política proibicionista nos EUA e no Brasil me pareceu uma forma perfeita para continuar denunciando a violência da política de segurança brasileira fundamentada nos confrontos armados contra a população pobre que vive nas favelas e comunidades carentes do país.
Ainda por cima, João Salles estava sendo denunciado pelo MP por ajudar a um criminoso. Chamei o resumo de A intolerância, preconceito e presunção brasileiras em relação a qualquer assunto relacionado com as drogas e o trabalho de A incrível história de um homem que tentou ajudar um traficante de drogas procurado pela polícia a começar uma nova vida. Os textos estão em inglês, a língua da conferência era o inglês.
Depois de ter apresentado na edição anterior da conferência bianual da HRC A Guerra às Drogas no Rio de Janeiro, em 1998, exibir trechos deste documentário para depois discutir com a plateia as semelhanças e diferenças dessa política proibicionista nos EUA e no Brasil me pareceu uma forma perfeita para continuar denunciando a violência da política de segurança brasileira fundamentada nos confrontos armados contra a população pobre que vive nas favelas e comunidades carentes do país.
Ainda por cima, João Salles estava sendo denunciado pelo MP por ajudar a um criminoso. Chamei o resumo de A intolerância, preconceito e presunção brasileiras em relação a qualquer assunto relacionado com as drogas e o trabalho de A incrível história de um homem que tentou ajudar um traficante de drogas procurado pela polícia a começar uma nova vida. Os textos estão em inglês, a língua da conferência era o inglês.
Abstract:
Brazilian basic intolerance, prejudice, and presumption in relation to any drug matter
It all happened in the slum called Dona Marta, where 12.000 people live in poor conditions amidst the violence between police and drug dealers. The Michael Jackson video “They don’t care about us” was recorded in this hill in 1996. Spike Lee had to negotiate with Marcinho VP leader of the drug business in the community. When interviewed at the time Marcinho said: “I don´t like drugs. I´m a drug dealer because my people is enslaved by the system.” João Moreira Salles was directing the documentary “News from a Private War” when he met Marcinho. It was an unusual meeting, a film maker from a traditional family and one of the most wanted drug dealers in town. As their relationship developed João proposed Marcinho an eight months allowance (about US$ 700) in exchange for his leaving crime and write a book about his life. He accepted it a few months later and in the meantime João - a social oriented intellectual known for his works with destitute communities - had his company phone tapped. Now he is being prosecuted for the crime of “personal favoring”; and Marcinho has recently been arrested. This is a very brief description of a history that clearly reveals people’s basic intolerance, prejudice and presumption in relation to any drug matter, and how this conservative ideology penetrates the Brazilian powers that be.
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THE INCREDIBLE STORY OF A MAN WHO TRIED TO HELP A WANTED DRUG DEALER START A NEW LIFE
It all happened in the hill called Dona Marta, in the favela called Santa Marta, where 12.000 people live in poor conditions in the middle of the violence between police and drug dealers.
It was in this hill that in 1996 Michael Jackson recorded the video for “They don’t care about us”. Spike Lee negotiated with Marcinho VP who controlled the drug business in the community. When interviewed at the time Marcinho said he didn’t like drugs: “I´m a drug dealer because my people is enslaved by the system.”
João Moreira Salles was directing the documentary “News from a Particular War” when he met Marcinho. It was an unusual meeting, João is a movie maker coming from a traditional family of Rio de Janeiro, and Marcinho is one of the most wanted drug dealers in town, who has recently been arrested.
As their relationship developed João proposed Marcinho a eight months 1.200 reais (about US$ 750) allowance under the conditions that he would leave crime, start a new life, and write a book about his life. Although it was a project cherished by Marcinho, he actually didn’t accept it. As Marcinho - a most wanted criminal - would sometimes call João, the police tapped Joao’s company phone and recorded their conversations: “When I became aware of the tapping I decided to do something legal, there was nothing more to it than talking to a drug dealer. Nevertheless I decided to go immediately to the State Security Secretary and tell them what was going on before they’d learn from other sources and jump into wrong conclusions.”
On February 27, 2000, O Globo, a mainstream newspaper in Rio, refers to the episode as “A modern tale where good and evil get together”: The conflict between crime and the prospect of regeneration had been discussed in the conversations between João and Marcinho.
On Monday, February 28, the affair between Marcinho and João took nearly the whole front page of O Globo. The headline goes: “Police and Prosecuting Attorney disagree on the Marcinho event”. Luiz Soares, State Security Coordinator, said he understood and supported what João did, but José Piñeiro, Prosecuting Attorney, stated that João could be prosecuted for the crime of personal favoring according to article 387 of the Brazilian Penal Code, due to his relationship with the drug dealer Marcinho. As Marcinho is an outlaw, sentenced to 25 years, João would be helping to keep him at liberty and acting against justice enforcement.
WHAT DO YOU GET WHEN YOU TRY TO HELP A DRUG DEALER
It all happened in the slum called Dona Marta, where 12.000 people live in poor conditions amidst the violence between police and drug dealers. The Michael Jackson video “They don´t care about us” was recorded in this hill in 1996. Spike Lee had to negotiate with Marcinho VP leader of the drug business in the community. When interviewed at the time he said: “I don't like drugs. I´m a drug dealer because my people is enslaved by the system.” João Salles was directing the documentary “News from a Private War” when he met Marcinho. It was an unusual meeting, a film maker from a traditional family and one of the most wanted drug dealers in the city. As their relationship developed João proposed Marcinho an allowance to him for leaving crime, start a new life and write a book about his life. He only accepted it a few months later and in the meantime João had his company phone tapped by the police. Now he is being prosecuted for the crime of personal favoring; and Marcinho has recently been arrested.
Marcinho accepts the allowance
This is a very brief description of a history that clearly reveals what it intends to discuss: people’s basic intolerance, prejudice and presumption in relation to any drug related matter and how this hypocritical ideology penetrates Brazilian powers that be.
João practically lived in the slum during the time he was filming the documentary. He wanted to continue his involvement with the community and in the following year he ministered art classes to their population. And his relationship with Marcinho V.P. developed: “I always told him I would help if he really wanted to leave that world. He was 24 or 25 y.o., and knew the life expectance of a criminal like him was not much longer than that. But he insisted he was committed to his community, he felt he was responsible for them.” João continues: “He understood his criminal career had no coming back and couldn’t see that although he helped the community he was ultimately creating a tense, nuisance situation in the territory with the police always in the vicinity and increasing gang disputes.
At an occasion when the favela Santa Marta was about to be taken by a rival gang, João insisted that Marcinho should accept the scholarship and leave the crime scene. After escaping the police siege, Marcinho went to Argentina and called João to say he would accept the scholarship and start writing the book. As promised João sent R$1.200 during four months, but couldn't fulfill the eight months deal because the story became public and was heavily reported by the media.
Says João Moreira Salles:
“Those guys are as much part of the drug industry as the person who has a tire shop is part of the car industry.”
“I wouldn't say we became friends, but I thought about writing an article entitled “Feelings for a friend who can’t be my friend”. Because it is impossible to be a friend of Marcinho. He is an outlaw, a fugitive. Any relationship with him would naturally have to be secret, and people would say I'm an addict.”
João was trying to understand the myth, the archetypical journey of a drug dealer. And Marcinho wanted to explain the reasons for leading a criminal life and get information from someone well established in the other side of the gap between favelas (usually on hills) and city town.
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Foi durante esta conferência que surgiu a ideia de criar uma ONG de ativismo pela reforma da política de drogas, direitos dos usuários de drogas e redução de danos, e com ela poder concorrer aos fundos da Tides Foundation para a América Latina destinados a esse tipo de atividade. Essa ONG viria a ser a Psicotropicus, fundada com uma Assembleia Geral em 25 de julho de 2003, e que de fato recebeu fundos da fundação Tides em 2004 e 2005 para projetos antiproibicionistas.
publicado neste Blog por: Luiz Paulo Guanabara
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